In the Sierra-Fronteriza (Border Mountains) region of Chiapas, known as Sierra Mariscal, a system of “criminal governance” has taken shape that contributes to the invisibility of crises such as internal forced displacement and enforced disappearances, warned human rights defenders and academics during the presentation of the report *Chiapas: La paz pendiente* (Chiapas: The Pending Peace), by the Border Region Working Group.
At the report’s presentations in San Cristóbal de Las Casas and Mexico City, panelists agreed that the struggle for territorial control in the Sierra-Fronteriza region involves deals with political actors that have allowed macro-criminal structures to persist.
Throughout its 120 pages, the TDT Network, Frayba, Colibres, Voces Mesoamericanas, and Serapaz—the organizations that make up the working group—contrast the official narrative with testimonies gathered in the towns of Amatenango de la Frontera, Ángel Albino Corzo, Bella Vista, Chicomuselo, El Porvenir, Frontera Comalapa, La Concordia, La Grandeza, La Trinitaria, Mazapa de Madero, Montecristo de Guerrero, Motozintla, and Siltepec.
Disappearances and displacements—including intermittent ones—have increased, while the official narrative portrays the state as a safe haven and official indicators report a decline in violence, noted Pedro Faro of the Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas Human Rights Center (Frayba).
This “statistical manipulation,” they noted, is linked to the security and pacification strategy promoted by the government since December 2024, with the deployment of the Pakal Immediate Reaction Force (FRIP) in border municipalities.
“The challenge lies not only in restoring security, but in regaining the ability to live without fear, to exercise our rights and make decisions regarding our territories, and to not be subjected to either weapons or silence,” emphasized Carla Lomelí Zamora.
State of Denial
In 2024, civil society organizations documented a significant increase in forced displacement in Mexico, with Chiapas being the hardest-hit state. According to the Universidad Iberoamericana, Chiapas accounted for 61.8% of the cases recorded nationwide.
Between January 2021 and October 2025, Frayba recorded 24,290 victims of forced displacement in Chiapas, originating from municipalities such as Pantelhó, Frontera Comalapa, Chicomuselo, Oxchuc, Las Margaritas, Huixtán, Chenalhó, Ocosingo, La Trinitaria, Socoltenango, La Concordia, Bella Vista, and Tila.
According to the document’s records, the displacements were primarily caused by the communities’ need to avoid clashes, threats, or forced recruitment (by the cartels). These accounts contrast with the public statements made by the governor of Chiapas, Eduardo Ramírez, who has denied the existence of forced displacement in the state.
The report also includes testimonies that highlight the consequences of the forced displacement of families with children, adolescents, and young adults; it describes the lack of conditions for a safe return and the changes in community dynamics, now under the control of organized crime.
The state government’s unwillingness to address and recognize internal forced displacement is evident in the absence of regulations, a registry, and a contingency fund—all of which are provided for in the State Law for the Prevention and Response to Internal Displacement, noted Pedro Faro. He added that, following an injunction filed by organizations before federal courts, the Chiapas government introduced a new bill on displacement that limits the recognition of this status to six months, without considering the contexts of violence that cause it.
Selective disappearance
Emanuel Bran, of Voces Mesoamericanas, recalled that on October 28, 2025, Eduardo Ramírez publicly stated that he was not responsible for the cases of missing persons from the previous administration. “Is he a state official or not? What is the goal of the security policy?” the human rights defender asked.
However, in just the first year of his administration—from December 8, 2024, to December 31, 2025—416 people were reported missing in Chiapas, 44 of whom were from border municipalities such as La Concordia, Frontera Comalapa, Ángel Albino Corzo, La Trinitaria, Chicomuselo, Bella Vista, Motozintla, Mazapa de Madero, Amatenango de la Frontera, and Siltepec—according to the National Registry of Missing and Unlocated Persons. During the period analyzed, the region accounted for 10.58% of the disappearances recorded in the state.
The report also notes that the General Diagnosis of Context Analysis for the State of Chiapas (January 2019–July 2023), prepared by the Chiapas State Commission for the Search for Missing Persons (CEBP), acknowledges the forced recruitment of young people by criminal organizations and admits that municipalities in the Sierra and along the border have been seriously affected by this phenomenon.
In response to a request for information from the Border Region Working Group, submitted via the National Transparency Platform, the General Directorate of Forensic Services reported 13 mass graves during the same period, between late 2024 and early 2025. “In the municipality of La Concordia alone, the remains of at least 28 people have been located,” the document states.
Furthermore, it documents that disappearances continue to be selective and, in some cases, serve as a form of revenge or settling of scores. They are also used as a mechanism of punishment or deterrence to dispossess families who oppose the government or hold community leadership roles of their property.
War Toys
The report notes that the lack of effective institutional protection mechanisms and the presence of security forces in the region have intensified tension in daily life and social relations. In some interviews, these forces are cited as responsible for abuses and acts of violence against the population.
Despite this context of criminal violence, Valentina Auletta of SweFor stated that the Chiapas government insists on promoting a territorial recovery strategy based on a media-driven narrative of pacification, backed by extensive resources and accompanied by the deployment of operations relying on surveillance and control technologies, mass arrests, and human rights violations.
In light of this situation, the Border Region Working Group called for ensuring transparency and accountability in the use of resources allocated to security—particularly those of the FRIP—through the publication of information on personnel hiring, the procurement of weapons and equipment, and the conduct of independent audits that allow for public oversight of spending.
“We are observing this entire security strategy implemented by the state government, which will surely lead to a very large public debt as it requests sophisticated weapons costing millions,” said Carla Zamora Lomelí, a research sociologist at El Colegio de la Frontera Sur (Ecosur).
“They’re showing off their war toys,” said Pedro Faro, arguing that the use of helicopters, drones, and a recent law allowing the police to use high-powered weapons demonstrates a security approach based on militarization.
Among other demands, the organizations called for the adoption of a comprehensive security strategy with a preventive and human rights-based approach, one that includes clear objectives for reducing violence and human rights violations and establishes a plan for the progressive demilitarization of public security.
They also propose strengthening the investigative capabilities and tools used to dismantle criminal networks, prioritizing structural and financial analysis over exclusively reactive approaches.
Recently, the organizations requested a dialogue with the federal government to discuss the situation in Chiapas, but received no response. “We’ve had a better reception from the international community, and there will be a broad meeting with several embassies,” said Valentina Auletta of SweFor.
Original piece by Jeny Pascacio published in Avispa Midia on June 9th, 2026.
Translation by Schools for Chiapas.