225 defenders were murdered from December 2018 to October 2024
In the context of the celebration of the Day of the Dead, EDUCA presents the results of the monitoring “All their Names, All their Struggles” on Serious Attacks on Human Rights Defenders in Mexico. The study covers the period from December 2018 to October 2024; during this time a total of 252 attacks on the lives of human rights defenders were recorded. These cases of lethal violence include: disappearances, homicides and extrajudicial executions. Of the total number of cases recorded, 225 correspond to murders and 27 to disappearances.
The purpose of presenting these results is to honor the memory of all the people who gave their lives in the fight to defend rights, as well as to draw the attention of the State and citizens to the serious security crisis that the work of defending human rights faces. The study provides valuable information that should be read carefully.
One of the first things that stands out is that during six years (2018-2024), a period also known as the Fourth Transformation, 225 human rights defenders were murdered. In 42 of these 225 cases, the organizations point to the Mexican State as responsible for having committed an extrajudicial execution.
The most dangerous struggles correspond to the defense of territory and civil rights. 94 people killed defended the right to land and territory and to a healthy environment. Another 85 people killed defended civil and political rights, including the right to freedom of association. These struggles represent 80% of the murders of human rights defenders (179 out of 225).
The South-Southeast is the most dangerous region for community defense; Oaxaca recorded 58 murdered human rights defenders. Guerrero follows with 39 and Chiapas with 17 murdered human rights defenders. These 114 murders of defenders in the South-Southeast represent 51% of all cases in Mexico.
An important finding of the monitoring is that indigenous and peasant defenders face racism and violence. Of the total of 225 murdered defenders, 140 were indigenous, one Afro-Mexican. 62% of the murdered defenders belonged to an indigenous people and 57% were campesinos. The conclusion that emerges is that they were killed because, in addition to being defenders, they were indigenous and campesinos.
Defenders, feminicides and transphobia: Of the 252 attacks on life (homicides and forced disappearances) 20% were committed against women and people of sexual diversity: men 202 cases; women 39 and 11 cases of people of diversity. In two of three cases, the powers that be and local authorities have been pointed out as the alleged perpetrators of these murders. This data contrasts with the context of past six-year terms, when federal authorities were accused of participating in attacks against the lives of human rights defenders.
Forced disappearance of human rights defenders
Forced disappearance continues to be a mechanism to inhibit the defense of rights. In total of the 252 cases, 51 human rights defenders were victims of forced disappearance. 23 human rights defenders remain missing, 24 human rights defenders were murdered and four human rights defenders were found alive. This represents only 8% of the total of 51 cases. Of the 23 human rights defenders who are missing, four are women and 19 are men. The states that stand out of Sonora, with ten Yaqui people missing, and Oaxaca, with three men and three women human rights defenders missing, among them the cases of four Mixtec people.
In the South-Southeast, there are five cases of forced disappearance of human rights defenders in which local authorities of the MORENA party were denounced as the alleged perpetrators. These are the municipalities of Amatán, Chiapas; Tlapa de Comonfort, Guerrero; Nochixtlán and San Juan Cotzocón, Oaxaca.
Points of analysis and some interpretations
The information presented here is just the tip of the iceberg of attacks on human rights defenders. It is only a part of the violence that is visible, but beneath this iceberg lies a network of power relations and domination, cultural and structural violence, racism and discrimination, poverty and exclusion, in short, a complex map of violence that plagues the country.
The data show that there is a failed security strategy at the national level. We note the weakening of protection agencies and autonomous human rights organizations. What was reinforced in this government was the culture of impunity; the militarization of public security; access to justice became the exception rather than the rule.
Compared to the context of past six-year terms, federal authorities are no longer accused of directly attacking the lives of human rights defenders. However, at the local level, the power groups became emboldened by the State’s inaction. Or by the State’s failure to act. There are silenced areas in the country, where cases are not reported and remain forgotten.
In the case of disappearances, even when they involve defenders, searches continue to be deficient. As a civil society, we need to reinforce security measures and speed up reporting. A positive example of this are the cases of appearances with life.
In all these cases, the organizations that vindicate the rights of defenders claim deficient searches and denounce the lack of access to prompt and expeditious justice.
Notes on the monitoring methodology
All the data is supported by human rights organizations, whether local, national or international. These organizations claim the victims as people who were attacked in the context of defending human rights. Among the sources, the following stand out: Red TDT, Comité Cerezo, CEMDA, IM-Defensoras, Global Witness, Front Line Defenders and UNHCHR.
In many cases, there is no exhaustive investigation by the authorities or convictions. Consequently, some data, for example on the type of aggressor, are based solely on the information provided by human rights organizations that claim the rights of defenders.
Some human rights organizations publish their annual report on attacks on defenders during the following year, so the total number of defenders attacked in 2024 is provisional and may still increase.
In the ongoing campaign “Wings and Roots of the Social Movement in Oaxaca,” we will expand the analysis with monitoring of territorial conflicts, attacks on defenders and violence in Oaxaca, and also on the resistance actions of communities and organizations given this difficult scenario.
Visit the micro-site for complete data: Alas y Raíces
Services for an Alternative Education EDUCA A.C., October 30th, 2024.
Original article by EDUCA, October 30th, 2024.
Translated by Schools for Chiapas.